CU on Music Theory Print

Cuarteto

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Famous Names#

Cuarteto Leo was the leading cuarteto band for almost 30 years, back in the 1970s. It established the sonic texture that prevails in cuarteto to this day. In the 1980s, Carlos Mona Jiménez became the foremost exponent of cuarteto after the break-up of his two-member Cuarteto de Oro (“Golden Quartet”). He established a pattern of nonsense humour and extravagant behavior that many tried to ape without much success. One of his most popular songs was Quién se ha tomado todo el vino (“Who drank all the wine?”), which was danced with a characteristic hand move. Others, such as producer-bandleader Negro Videla, travelled to the Dominican Republic and Colombia to expand the range of their repertoire. Videla is the unofficial ambassador of Dominican music in cuarteto, with successful covers of merengue hits. Since the late 1980s, the Tru-la-lá band has had great support from dancers. At one point they were endorsed by the Catholic church for avoiding racy themes in their lyrics. All in all, they have sold over a million records. Rodrigo became the leading cuarteto singer in the mid-1990s, and made inroads into Buenos Aires middle-class audiences. He died in a car crash on June 24, 2000. Many people believe the crash was not an accident, as Rodrigo was (allegedly) a pawn in a feud between rival mobsters. His song La mano de Dios (The Hand of God), which celebrates Diego Maradona through his most famous goal, has become a classic dance song in Argentina, and was covered by Maradona himself in his successful 2005 talk show. Gary was another Cuarteto singer with the Tru-la-lá band, who died of natural causes in 2001.

Cuban folk music

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Classification of genres#

During the 1960s, a methodological organization was consistently applied to the Cuban popular music; and that methodology, called of the “generic complexes” was mainly based on the works of Cuban musicologist Argeliers León. In his book Del canto y el tiempo, León divided the study of Cuban popular music in several sections presented in the following order: Música yoruba, Música bantú, Música abakuá, Música guajira, El son, La rumba, La guaracha, La canción y el bolero, Música instrumental, De la contradanza al danzón, al chachachá and Hacia el presente, en el presente. Dr. Olavo Alén says about the “generic complex system”: “In his book Música Folklórica Cubana as well as in his opus masterpiece Del canto y el tiempo, he (León) shows us a panoramic view of our music departing fundamentally from the description of the original genres of Cuba. But those divisions proposed by Argeliers didn’t pretend to be as rigorous as a scientific organization that would be in compliance with the classificatory principles of coherence, exclusivity, exhaustivity and most importantly, dichotomy.” According to the Cuban popular music “Generic complex theory”, Cuban folk music is classified as follows: * Punto cubano Complex, with its variations Punto libre y Punto fijo. * Rumba Complex, with its components Yambú, Guaguancó, Columbia, Conga and Comparsa. * Danzón Complex, with its variants Contradanza, Danzón, Danzonete, Mambo and Cha-cha-chá. * Son Complex, with its modalities Changüí, Sucu-sucu and Guaracha. * Canción Complex, with its variants Bolero and Filin. The “Generic complex theory” has been refuted since long time ago by renowned musicologists such as Leonardo Acosta, which explains in his article titled “About the Generic Complexes and other matters”: According to Cuban composer and musicographist Armando Rodríguez Ruidíaz: From the elaboration and fusion process of the first Spanish song-dances with sesquiáltera rhythm that arrived in Cuba, such as the Sarabanda and Chacona from the 16th century, three main lines of generic evolution originated, which may be classified as follows: 1 – sung dances, which include in chronological order, the punto guajiro and the zapateo, the Cuban guaracha, the rural rumba, the urban rumba, the Carnival conga, the son, the danzonete, the Salon rumba, the Salon conga, the danceable bolero, the son montuno, the mambo, the chachachá, the songo and the timba. 2 – dances, comprised by genres such as the Cuban contradanza, the danza, the danzón and the danzón-mambo. 3 – songs, comprised by the habanera, the bolero cubano, the guajira, the clave, the criolla, the tango congo, the pregón and other hybrid genres such as the guaracha-son, the guajira-son, the bolero-son, the lamento-son, the criolla-bolero, the bolero-danzón, the canción-habanera and the canción-bolero.

Cuban hip-hop

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Early days: Importation#

The importation of Cuban rap is debated, but many argue that it was brought from Miami. Rap hit Cuba approximately a quarter century ago, gaining popularity in the 1990s after the fall of the Soviet Union. However it existed among young moneros, who had a tremendous oral ability and linguistic creativity. At the beginning of establishing Rap in Cuba rap like rock was perceived as a foreign import and while it was never forbidden, neither was it promoted or encouraged" The Cuban government changed its perceptions about hip hop during 1999 when they declared it as an authentic expression of Cuban culture. In addition the government formed the Agencia Cubana de Rap (The Cuban Rap Agency) that provides state-run record label and hip hop magazine, and began supporting the annual Cuban Hip Hop festival. Cuban rappers injected a renovating energy into Cuban music that was taken from hip hop culture. Rap in Cuba began to emerge precisely during the gangsta rap period in the United States which included artists like 2Pac, Notorious B.I.G, Ice-T, Snoop Dogg and many more influential gangster rappers. https://www.angelfire.com/pr/red/cuba/cuba_anti_racism.htm This exclusion from night life led to the importance of house parties where raperos were able to establish their own “underground” hip hop scene. The financial constraints of tourist geared night clubs that only accept dollars or venues that cost up to the equivalent of a standard monthly Cuban salary for entry also aided in the significance of house parties in the Cuban hip hop scene. In the mid-1990s, the music scene was one of the most promising for Cubans to meet tourists and gain possible access to much needed hard currency. Hip-hop developed new dance moves involving the ‘solo’ female body: the despelote (all-over-the-place) and tembleque (shake-shudder) and the subasta de la cintura (waist auction). These moves define a solo female dance style which involves fast movement and turning/swirling of the area from below shoulders and chest to pelvis (as if one was hula hoop-ing or belly dancing). Often accompanied by hand and body gestures mimicking self-pleasuring, it constituted a noticeable change in dance style, of women dancing to be ’looked at’ both by their partners, by other prospective partners, and by other spectators, using their body as a major asset. This was in contrast to traditional dancing such as normative couple dancing.

Cuban rock

Mon, 01 Jan 0001 00:00:00 +0000

The 1950s#

The strong influence of American music on the younger Cuban generations paved the way for the introduction of rock & roll in the island during the 1950s. Many Cuban artists sung versions of American songs translated to Spanish, as it was also happening in Mexico. although electrically-amplified treses were already being played by musicians such as Senén Suárez. The repertoire of Los Llopis consisted of a combination of American and rock pieces, such as “See You Later, Alligator” and “Rock Around the Clock” by the Bill Haley group, with other Cuban and Hispanic pieces like “Goza mi Guaracha”, “Maquinolandera” and “La pollera colorá”. Los Llopis also succeeded in Spain, where they established their residence for some years and introduced pachanga, a new Cuban rhythm with an influence from the Dominican merengue. In 1959 Luisito Bravo bursted into the Cuban musical scene with songs such as Neil Sedaka’s “Oh Carol” and the Italian song “Tiernamente (Torna a Surriento)” (covered by Elvis Presley as “Surrender”, reaching 500,000 record sales by 1961. Other solo artists followed Luisito Bravo, such as Rogelio Sanzarini and Jorge Bauer, as well as groups such as the Satélites of Antonio María Romeu and the Tony Taño band.

Cuban rumba

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Etymology#

According to Joan Corominas, the word derives from “rumbo”, meaning “uproar” (and previously “pomp”) and also “the course of a ship”, which itself may derive from the word “rombo” (“rhombus”), a symbol used in compasses. In the 1978 documentary La rumba, directed by Óscar Valdés, it is stated that the term rumba originated in Spain to denote “all that is held as frivolous”, deriving from the term “mujeres de rumbo”. Alternatively, in Cuba the term might have originated from a West African or Bantu language, due to its similarity to other Afro-Caribbean words such as tumba, macumba, mambo and tambó. The terms rumbón and rumbantela (the latter of Galician or Portuguese origin According to non-etymological sources, rumba could be related to “nkumba” meaning “navel” in Kikongo, which refers to a dance characterized by the joining and rubbing of navels. This dance was integral to the celebrations of the Kingdom of Kongo, a historical region that spanned present-day Republic of the Congo, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Angola. Due to its broad etymology, the term rumba historically retained a certain degree of polysemy. By the end of the 19th century, Cuban peasants (guajiros) began to perform rumbitas during their parties (guateques, changüís, parrandas and fiestas patronales). These songs were actually in the form of urban guarachas (not proper rumbas), which had a binary meter in contrast to the ternary meter of traditional rural genres such as tonada and zapateo. Similarly, in Cuban bufo theatre at the beginning of the 20th century, the guarachas that were sung at the end of the show were referred to as rumba final despite not sharing any musical similarities with actual rumba.

Cuban salsa

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Culture and geography#

Culturally, Casino is performed as an interplay between genders, with an emphasis on feeling the music, known as sabor (“flavor”). Much of the interplay of Casino style dancing is based on the broader Afro-Caribbean cultural context with emphasis on sexual interplay, teasing, and everyday experience. Geographically, in Latin America, Casino and its variants are danced in Cuba, the Dominican Republic, and Venezuela. It is also popular in Europe and parts of Asia. In the 1950s, Miami became a spot for Cuban music and salsa dancing, thanks to waves of Cuban immigrants bringing their musical traditions like son, rumba, and cha-cha-cha, sparking a fiery dance culture now called Miami Cuban-style salsa.

Cueca

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Origins#

While cueca’s origins are not clearly defined, it is considered to have mostly European Spanish and arguably indigenous influences. The most widespread version of its origins relates it with the zamacueca which arose in Peru as a variation of Spanish Fandango dancing with criollo. The dance is then thought to have passed to Chile and Bolivia, where its name was shortened and where it continued to evolve. Due to the dance’s popularity in the region, the Peruvian evolution of the zamacueca was nicknamed “la chilena”, “the Chilean”, due to similarities between the dances. Later, after the Pacific War, the term marinera, in honor of Peru’s naval combatants and because of hostile attitude towards Chile, was used in place of “la chilena”. In March 1879 the writer and musician Abelardo Gamarra renamed the “chilena” as the “marinera”. The Marinera, Zamba and the Cueca styles are distinct from each other and from their root dance, the zamacueca. Another theory is that Cueca originated in the early nineteenth century bordellos of South America, as a pas de deux facilitating partner finding. The usual interpretation of this courting dance is zoomorphic: it tries to reenact the courting ritual of a rooster and a hen. The male displays a quite enthusiastic and at times even aggressive attitude while attempting to court the female, who is elusive, defensive and demure. The dance often finishes with the man kneeling on one knee, with the woman placing her foot triumphantly on his raised knee. In Bolivia, there are many variations throughout the different regions. Cueca styles of La Paz, Potosí and Sucre are the elegant and static versions, whereas in Cochabamba and Tarija the style is much livelier and free. The same could be said with the music where in different regions rhythm and speed slightly differ amongst the regions. While dancing, handkerchiefs are used by both male and female dancers by twirling over the head. It is said the twirling of the handkerchief is a way to lure the woman.

Cumbia

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20th century#

Most Hispanic American countries have made their own regional version of Cumbia, some of them with their own particularity. Over the 20th century, Cumbia expanded beyond Colombia through migration, media circulation, and cross border musical exchange. In Mexico, Cumbia developed into multiple sub genres, becoming a cornerstone of urban popular culture. In Texas, Cumbia Tejana emerged as a unique fusion shaped by Chicano musicians who blended Colombian elements with Tejano, Conjunto, and pop influences. Scholars argue that Cumbia’s adaptability is a reason for its global success. As it enters new regions, musicians incorporate local instruments, rhythms, and performance practices while retaining the genre’s recognizable percussion structure. Today, Cumbia remains a hemispheric genre, connecting generations and communities across borders.

Cumbia (Colombia)

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Etymology#

Most folklorists and musicologists, such as Narciso Garay, Delia Zapata Olivella, and Guillermo Abadia Morales, assume that cumbia is derived from the Bantu root kumbe “to dance”, or any other of the many Bantu words with “comb” or “kumb”. Cf. samba, macumba. Another possibility is the Tupi-Guarani word cumbi “murmuring, noise”. Cumbia was also a kind of fine woolen garment produced for the Inca. In 2006, Colombian musician and musicologist Guillermo Carbo Ronderos said that the etymology of the word cumbia is “still controversial” and that “seems to derive from the Bantu word cumbé”.

Cumbia (Panama)

Mon, 01 Jan 0001 00:00:00 +0000

Etymology#

Panamanian musician Narciso Garay, in his book “Tradiciones y Cantares de Panamá”, published in 1930, assumed that the word cumbia shares the same linguistic root of the word cumbé, dance of African origin registered in the dictionary of the Spanish language as dance of black people Colombian folklorist Delia Zapata Olivella in her publication of 1962, (‘Cumbia: Musical Synthesis of the Colombian Nation, Historical and Choreographic Review’) notes that the only word similar to cumbia present in the dictionary of the Real Academia de la Lengua Española, is “a dance of African origin and the musical interpretation of this dance.” And that (without acute accent) is used for black people living in Bata, in Spanish continental Guinea (now Equatorial Guinea). The Colombian cultural researcher Jorge Villarreal Diazgranados in his article “La cumbia, el jolgorio y sobre todo el placer” (La cumbia, fun and above all pleasure), published in 1977 states: An English translation of the quote above would be: Musicologist and folk-researcher Guillermo Abadía Morales, in his 1977 “Compendio general de folclore colombiano” (General Compendium of Colombian folklore), says that cumbia is a shortened form of cumbancha, a word whose root is Kumba, Mandinka demonym, and adds that the Republic of the Congo was called Cumba. Cuban ethnologist Graciano states that the words Kumba, Kumbe and Koumbi, replacing the letter “k” for “c” (when turned into Spanish) means “drums” or “dances”. He adds that cumbé, cumbia and cumba were drums of African origin in the Antilles. On the other hand, he states that cumba - kumba, African word for Bantu or Congo tribes, means “roar”, “shock”, “shouting”, “scandal”, “joy”. The Panamanian folklorist Manuel Zarate adds to this theory in his “Tambor y Socavón” (Drum and Tunnel), as the root of the word cumbia. Also, for Ortiz, among congos, nkumbi is a drum. In 2006, Colombian musician and musicologist Guillermo Carbo Ronderos said that the etymology of the word cumbia is “still controversial” and that it “seems to derive from the Bantu word cumbé

Cumbia pop

Mon, 01 Jan 0001 00:00:00 +0000

Influences and development#

The cumbia pop genre emerged in the mid-2000s when some musical groups from Uruguay and Argentina made covers of popular songs, mixing them with cumbia and pop elements, and published them on YouTube. One of the pioneers was the Uruguayan group VI-EM, followed by the Argentine group Agapornis. However, it did not gain as much notoriety, but at that time other subgenres such as cumbia villera were more popular. Beginning in 2013–2014, cumbia pop went mainstream with the formation in Montevideo of the Uruguayan bands Rombai and Márama, which became extremely popular in Uruguay, Argentina, and other Latin American countries. They adopted danceable rhythms and lyrics related to love and youth life, as both groups were composed of people in their 20s, and included elements of pop and electropop, giving the musical genre its definitive shape. These bands toured several seaside towns and released summer hits, which increased their notoriety among young people. Since the members of the most popular bands were youngsters from the upper-middle class or upper class, and since the lyrics and music videos showcased luxury, exclusive parties, and aspirational lifestyles, this subgenre also became known as Cumbia Cheta. “Cheta”—the feminine form of the word “cheto”—is a slang from Rioplatense Spanish used to describe someone or something associated with the upper class. Cumbia pop broke away from the traditional association of cumbia with working-class and middle-class people and aligned itself with the internationally popular pop and Latin pop music. Given the rise of the genre, other bands emerged that also achieved wide popularity, such as the Uruguayan Toco Para Vos, Canto Para Bailar and Dame 5, and the Argentine .

Cumbia rebajada

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History#

Due to Colombian immigration to Monterrey in the second half of the 20th century and the importation of records from Mexico City, various musical genres from the South American country became popular, such as cumbia, vallenato, and porro. This popularization through parties would give rise to the phenomenon known as “Kolombia” in places like the Independencia neighborhood. According to Gabriel Duéñez, a sound engineer for four decades and a collector of Colombian music from Monterrey, the rebajada originated accidentally when the beats-per-minute control on his Sonido Duéñez music player broke down and began to play Colombian music at a slower speed, resulting in a “more rebajado (slowed-down), more watery” rhythm. Those attending his dances began to request that Duéñez play the rebajada music than at its normal tempo. Gabriel and other vendors in Monterrey began selling cassettes and later CDs of reduced versions of popular cumbias. Given the popularity of the music, Colombian music groups in the city began to compose and perform at that tempo. Cumbia rebajada would remain in Monterrey, becoming part of the cultural phenomenon known as cholombiano. The reduced aesthetic would also influence the sonidero, where groups such as Sonido La Changa and Sonido Siboney continued the style by manipulating the tempo of old Colombian songs, turning them into hits in Mexico and Central America. According to DJ and music producer Toy Selectah, cumbia rebajada is “the dubstep of cumbia.” DJs, producers, and musicians of different nationalities have mixed cumbia rebajada with other rhythms such as dubstep and reggae.

Cumbia santafesina

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Background#

Cumbia santafesina began in the mid 1960s with the creation of Grupo Santa Cecilia, who adapted Colombian cumbia introduced to the country by bands such as the Imperial Quartet, with a distinctive Italian and Polish influence (Los Palmeras, Yuli and Los Girasoles), above all on their accordions. This bands was led by accordionist Alberto Fernández, alias Toto ; Toto Fernández would be a teacher and mentor to numerous accordionists of this musical genre, such as Marcos Caminos (leader of Los Palmeras), Miguel Carranza (leader of Los Cumbiambas, Dario Zanco (leader of Grupo Cali) and many others. The vocalist of Grupo Santa Cecilia was the young Italian of Polish origin Czeslav Popowicz, who would be vocalist of Los Palmeras and leader of the bands Yuli y los Girasoles at the beginning of the 1970s, at the hands of Los Cumbiambas and Los Palmeras, the cumbia santafesina with accordion was widely accepted by the public of the capital santafesina and its surroundings (including Paraná). In 1975, in Buenos Aires, the santafesina band Los Duendes recorded their first record work, being the first band of cumbia santafesina to launch their work on record. The following year, from the hand of the representative Martín Robustiano Gutiérrez, Los Palmeras released their first album. But the event that finished defining the style was the appearance of the band Los del Bohio who adopted the guitar as the main instrument, leaving aside the traditional accordion. This band was founded in 1976 by the guitarist Juan Carlos Denis, who had previously played in renowned bands of the time such as Emil Villar and his Ensemble, Los Cumbiambas and El Cuartetazo. These first bands of cumbia santafesina were characterized by their amateurism and by the difficulties they faced in obtaining funds that would allow them to record their material. It is at this time that the figure of Martín “Chani” Robustiano Gutiérrez was key, who raised funds so that these recordings could be made. In his honor the day of cumbia santafesina is celebrated every 5 November when a new anniversary of his death is celebrated.

Cumbia villera

Mon, 01 Jan 0001 00:00:00 +0000

History#

Cumbia villera was born in the late 1990s, amid an economic and social decline in Argentina. The introduction of neoliberal economics in Argentina in the early ’90s gave a quick boost to the nation’s economy but progressively marginalized large areas of society, and by the late ’90s, Argentina was in a great depression. Some of the most affected by this crisis were workers and the lower classes, and among them were the inhabitant and dwellers of the villas miseria (slums or shantytowns) in Buenos Aires and its metropolitan area, which favoured cumbia and other tropical music genres. It was in this situation that in 1999, the first cumbia villera band was born in the depths of Villa La Esperanza, a slum in San Fernando, Buenos Aires (in the north of the Buenos Aires metropolitan area). Pablo Lescano, then keytarist from one of these cumbia bands, Amar Azul, started to pen new songs with more aggressive lyrics. His band rejected them, so he began saving money from the royalties he earned from Amar Azul songs in order to buy instruments and equipment for producing an independent record. He created a new group with a different aesthetic, different lyrics, and a different sound, Flor de Piedra. By 2000, dozens of cumbia villera bands were playing and recording, It was at this point that some of the most popular albums in the history of cumbia villera were released, including Ritmo sustancia by Mala Fama (2000), 100% Villero by Yerba Brava (2001), and Sólo Le Pido A Dios by Pibes Chorros (2002). The genre and its repercussions were widely discussed in the mainstream media, with debates in major newspapers, magazines, TV shows, and radio shows, and the phenomenon even reached television, with Tumberos (2002), and film, with El bonaerense (2002) and El polaquito (2003). Cumbia villera bands began touring neighbouring countries, North America, and Europe, spreading the genre beyond its original boundaries. This “Argentine invasion” influenced artists in other countries, including Uruguay (La Clave), Paraguay (Los Rebeldes), Bolivia (Diego Soria), Chile (Buena Huacho), and Mexico (Cumbia Zero), which contributed musically to the genre by incorporating different regional styles and influences as well as local vocabulary and slang. Trends in Argentine cumbia started to change by 2003, owing to the election of president Néstor Kirchner and the subsequent improvement in the nation’s economy. Additionally, the Argentine music industry began to pressure bands to stop using controversial lyrics, and censorship from broadcasters and the COMFER reduced cumbia villera’s prevalence. Christian advocacy in the villas also contributed to these changes. Newer cumbia villera bands, such as La Base and El Original, mostly avoided controversial themes and instead sang about love, naming their style cumbia base to avoid some of the stigma that cumbia villera had acquired. Through the first decade of the 2000s, cumbia villera continued to have a stronghold among workers and poor communities all over Latin America, with new bands forming each year. The biggest names in the genre continued to tour, including Damas Gratis and Pibes Chorros. As late as 2007, 30% of total sales in the Argentine music industry were from cumbia villera records. In the 2010s, promotion of cumbia villera bands by mainstream music publications like Rolling Stone, the organization of concerts at popular venues, and the close collaboration and financial production of cumbia villera bands by mainstream musicians such as Andrés Calamaro, Vicentico, and Fidel Nadal suggested that the genre was alive and well. To this day, cumbia villera remains known as the most aggressive, defiant, and socially conscious style of cumbia ever made.

Cumulative song

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Structure#

Typically, the lyrics take the form of a stanza of at least two lines. In each verse, the text of the first line introduces a new item, and the other line uses the words to begin a list which includes items from all the preceding verses. The item is typically a new phrase (simultaneously a group of words and a musical phrase) to a line in a previous stanza. The two lines are often separated by refrains. Many cumulative songs also have a chorus. A musical structure that could describe it might be: A BA CBA DCBA EDCBA . . .

Cuplé

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Notable cupletistas#

María Antinea (1915–1991), Spanish actress, vedette, dancer, cupletista and tonadillera
La Argentinita (1898–1945), Spanish-Argentine flamenco dancer (bailaora), choreographer and singer
Bella Dorita (1901–2001), Spanish cabaret singer, dancer, and vedette
Paquita Escribano (1880–1970), Spanish singer (cupletista and tonadillera)
Julia Fons (1882–1973), Spanish singer and cupletista
La Fornarina (1884–1915), Cuplé singer
Celia Gámez (1905–1992), Argentine film actress, icon of the Golden Age of Spanish theatre
Úrsula López (1870–1966), Spanish Zarzuela, variety singer, and businesswoman
Raquel Meller (1888-1962), Spanish diseuse, cuplé, and tonadilla singer and actress.
Lola Montes (1898–1983), Spanish singer
La Chelito (1885–1959), Cuban-born Spanish cuplé singer, and theater business owner
Preciosilla (1893–1952), Spanish cupletista
Olga Ramos (1918–2005), Spanish cupletista, violinist, and actress
Rosita Rodrigo (1891–1959), Spanish actress, vedette, dancer and songwriter
Teresita Zazá (1893–1980), Spanish tonadillera, cupletista, and actress