Mongolian hip-hop

Motivations and independence#

The communist regime for some time sought to ban access to Western popular music, wary of its ideological message. However, from the mid-1960s, it began to penetrate Mongolia from Mongolians returning to the country, spreading covertly among young people, first in the capital Ulaanbaatar. The Mongolian government then chose to support this musical movement by appropriating it and creating tightly controlled pop music groups. In the mid-1980s, these groups began to emancipate themselves, taking advantage of the political decline. Some of their songs were taken up by young demonstrators who, in 1990, in the midst of the collapse of the USSR, obtained the resignation of the communist authorities without violence. The transition to a democratic nation with a free market economy began. Government control over migration eased considerably and a significant part of the rural population invested in Mongolian cities, notably Ulaanbaatar, profiting from the employment opportunities offered by the new economic system. In 2010, more than two-thirds of Mongolians were urban and almost half the population lived in the capital. Youth quickly took on these influences, moving from consumers of the global popular music scene to producers, experimenting with numerous musical styles, playing with these means of expression while adapting them to local contexts. Around 1990, some artists produced covers of popular Western songs in Mongolian or English. Others have integrated political and societal messages into their songs, such as the defense of democracy and freedom, or cultural ones such as the life of Genghis Khan. The opening of Mongolia to the West has led to the appearance of musical scenes creating a hybrid between foreign influences and typically Mongolian sounds, themes and styles. Foreign languages, notably English, and Mongolian are used together. The economic difficulties resulting from the transition from a centralized and planned economy to a market economy, which notably made musical instruments very expensive, led to the disappearance of many groups in the early 1990s. At the end of this decade, the situation of artists previously dependent on Ulaanbaatar – rural communities not having the means to pay the ticket for a concert – improved with the emergence of computers, cable television, urban radios and the Internet. In addition, many companies have begun sponsoring artists, benefiting in return from association with these artists.

Beginnings#

Rap, very different from typical Mongolian productions, had great difficulty establishing itself. The first Mongolian rap group was MC Boys, which appeared at the end of the 1980s. It addressed societal, philosophical subjects and rebellion. It was quickly followed, starting in 1991, by the group Khar Sarnai (Black Rose). They sang or even shouted in a guttural and growling voice (throat singing), constantly exchange words, dealing with the dark sides of life and love. In the opinion of music historian Peter K. Marsh, they “marked a clear alternative to the refined, well-coiffed and well-behaved ballad singers that had dominated the musical main-stream until then” and “helped to clear a space for a new generation of rappers.” Another techno-rap band was the Khar Tas (Black Vilture), commenting on transition-period of Mongolia. Their track Clouded Sky (ca. 1992) is regarded as the first Mongolian hip-hop music video.

Development#

The first wave of Mongolian hip-hop involves such musicians of the second half of the 1990s as Dain ba Enkh, Ice Top, Lumino, MCIT, and 2 Khüü. Rap began to truly find its audience from the beginning of the 2000s with the advent of a second generation to which the groups and rappers Click Click Boom (CCB), Digital, Epoch, Gangsta Service, Gee (a.k.a. Big Gee), MonTaRap, NC, PacRap, Rokit Bay, Seryoja, Tatar, ThunderZ, Tsetse, Young Mo’G, and others belonged. Some female rappers appeared, such as the artists Gennie, Between 1996/1997 and 2002, Dain ba Enkh (War and Peace) sang on political and societal subjects to music with Western RnB and disco-funk rhythms. These two local elements are regularly associated with hip-hop music.

Americanization and traditionalization#

The variety of style seen initially tended to diminish somewhat thereafter. Gregory Deplaplace wrote in 2014 that Mongolian rap became Americanized as it developed and approached Eminem’s model. The singer Gee, with his even steady flow and rough but clear voice, is an embodiment of this. This movement does not prevent innovations in the use of language like (King for a day, 2010) by Rokit Bay. At the same time, among the new generation of rappers, such as ThunderZ (the Tengri single series) and Young Mo’G (the tracks Naadii and Mongol Swag), one can observe a trend toward fusing American hip-hop with Mongolian traditional musical and performance styles. Finally, Big Gee himself sometimes uses traditional musical instruments such as the morin khuur in his music as well as khöömii (throat singing). Even a Mongolian artist like TulgaT who lives in Los Angeles and sings in American English maintains his own style.

Visual and cultural aspects#

Rap is a musical movement in which artists interact with the global forms of the hip-hop movement, mainly influenced by the culture of the African-American community where it was born in the 1970s, and which remains a defining reference, while rooted in the local social, economic, cultural and political context of the country where it is practiced. Mongolian rap is therefore a reappropriation of the styles of American hip-hop into a local context.

Visual references to American hip-hop#

The Mongolian rap scene uses visual references to the American hip-hop movement such as graffiti, which it appears on album covers or on murals, or the use of the American Parental Advisory: Explicit Lyrics label. This is for Mongolian rappers to “align their art with international hip-hop customs while also allowing them to differentiate it from other mainstream Mongolian pop song genres.” Among American rappers, the concept of collective, of gang or “crew”, is borrowed from the language of the ghetto, and designates a kind of family helping each other and sharing a set of dress, body or gesture symbols. It is only partially taken up by Mongolian rap groups, generally failing to have such a defined system of identity marks. Among these crews, one of the most famous is Click Click Boom, which also includes a graffiti artist and a morin khuur player, which thus reinforces its aesthetic distinction. Another, created by Gennie, (The Hoodies), travels through rural Mongolia in search of talented young rappers.

Influence of Genghis Khan#

One of the characteristic features of Mongolian hip-hop is frequent references to the Mongol Empire. On a cover of the album by the group Lumino, the three members of the group, in bad boy posture, are dressed in warrior costumes harkening back to the time of Genghis Khan, the “bad boy of history”. according to geographer Patrick Rérat. This reference to Genghis Khan is part of a revaluation of Mongolia’s past and in particular of its guardian and essential figure, after the fall of the Mongolian communist regime. Previous policy prohibited the evocation of this character, previously venerated, for fear that his deification would awaken Mongol nationalism and inspire desires for autonomy. The upheavals which followed the establishment of a more open political and economic regime were accompanied by the search for a national identity: “In a few years Genghis Khan once again became the symbol of the unity of the nation, of its strength, of its ability to surpass internal divisions and overcome the vicissitudes of history”, “he is the symbol of the time when steppe horsemen ruled half of the known world”. For example, in 2002, the first stone of a giant memorial was laid in the capital. A second monument was erected in 2006. Intellectuals such as the writer Galsan Tschinag criticize this cult, supported by the Mongolian state considering it to be an exaltation of a past intended to make people forget through dreams the difficulties of the country, particularly its impoverishment. This is accentuated by climatic problems leading to the death of livestock, which leads to a settling of nomads and therefore anarchic urban growth of the capital. In its album covers, the Tatar group, named after a people whom Genghis Khan integrated into his empire and who provided numerous fighters, represents characters from the conquests by drawing inspiration from the technique and aesthetics of graffiti. The traditional writing borrowed from the Uyghurs under Genghis Khan, rejected during the communist period from 1941 in favor of Cyrillic, is also given pride of place on the covers even if it is little used in daily life. During the reign of this emperor, Tibetan Buddhism appeared. Repressed during the Stalinist period, it experienced a renaissance in the early 1990s. The album (The tears of Mr. Lamba) by Lumino, refers to a Buddhist book very popular in the 1920s, “The tears of a monk “.

Poetry influence#

According to Pola Szczap and other scholars, the socialist-period Mongolian dissident poet Ryenchinii Choinom has been recognized as the godfather of Mongolian hip-hop. Especially, the Dain ba Enkh’s philosophical lyrics were influenced by his poetic heritage and figure.

Variety of subjects#

Mongolian rappers tackle a wide variety of subjects. The most widespread among all rappers (with the exception of Gee) is romantic love, even if, in the opinion of Grégory Delaplace, the subject is not developed in the most profound and the most varied manner. In this theme, the pain of love is regularly addressed, mainly from the male point of view, This theme is treated in a darker way than in the pop and pop-rock genres. It is also a vector of political demands and protest messages, addressing corruption in the political world, the inaction of politicians, foreign investments, insensitivity to the suffering of the poor, unemployment, poverty, alcoholism, or single mothers. The incorporation of the rappers’ personal experience aims to reflect reality. In other lyrics, male rappers judge women in their work or behavior and tell them what to do, or depict them as “bitches”, trophies, or weapons with which to attack their male enemies. Unlike men, who are expected by Mongolian society to be independent, aggressive, and loud, female artists face family and societal pressures to make them family-centered and selfless, qualities that go against the nature of the hip-hop lifestyle according to Wallace Quinn Graham. Many women therefore stop after one to two years of rapping.

Patriotism#

A central concern specific to many Mongolian rap lyrics, but also to many other areas of society, is that of authenticity, or how to be an authentic Mongolian. This question finds its origins in the rise of nationalism which followed the end of the communist regime. “Mongolian identity is more and more linked with the possession of a “pure blood” –something that is denied to children of mixed descent and to ethnic “minorities” in the Western provinces or in Inner Mongolia, who are disqualified as “Mongols” in the full sense of the term.” However, it is above all the obstacles to the practical application of Mongolian identity in today’s world, more than its definition, that interest rappers. Among these obstacles to this achievement are the government, through its corruption and inaction, and Chinese immigration from which it is believed Mongolians will become a minority and the country’s resources will be consumed.

Languages#

The harshness of the Mongolian language makes Mongolian rap difficult to hear and understand, according to rapper Tsetse. On the contrary, rapper Gennie considers it suitable even if the music is inevitably harsh. Due to the lack of words that rhyme together in the Mongolian language, most rappers do not attempt to make their verses rhyme. Critics of Mongolian rap deplore the use of crude vocabulary, but these words are considered useful for expression by the artists, even if their use should be downplayed according to some. They “are reflective of hip-hop culture’s values of truthfulness, freedom, and independence” according to Tsetse. In Mongolia, English has been integrated into the local linguistic landscape since the end of the communist regime and holds an important place in daily life. If the use of English in a song is well accepted when it comes to a pure language, standard English, it is not always so when it comes to African-American Vernacular English and can it can lead to criticism when this dialect is integrated into a Mongolian song. The rapper Gennie experiences this in her song with a nationalist theme, but with the English title Don’t Cry. It has been accused of trying to imitate American rap. She defended herself by explaining that she is not manipulated by English, but that it is she who manipulates it. The use of English in Mongolian rap is a part of several strategies. It is a way to identify with a transnational musical scene (British English, African-American vernacular English, etc.) or to differentiate oneself from other English-speaking musicians. It is also a symbolic resource for revealing a “foreign voice” or an imaginary foreign subject; it is a space of freedom allowing the expression of taboo and disturbing aspects of Mongolian culture. Finally, it is used for the invention of anglicized Mongolian terms, incomprehensible to English speakers, and which require knowledge of the local culture to be understood.

Authenticity#

Mongolian rap arouses criticism from older generations of musicians, who see it only as a copy of American models but also from defenders of traditional culture: Critics also point out that cultural backgrounds are different. There is a mix of the population in the different districts of Ulaanbaatar. Ghettos linked to racial, ethnic or socio-economic class are absent. In addition, Mongolian rappers generally come from the middle class, are mostly educated, and have never had difficult living conditions, which, according to these artists, is due to the fact that the poor do not have the ways to launch an artistic career. Artists who have had a difficult career like Gee, who grew up in a Ger Khoroolol, a neighborhood of yurts, are particularly admired by their colleagues. Other rappers are considered commercial and called fake by other lesser known artists who consider that they degrade the quality of the music and make it less credible. In response to criticism of the authenticity of Mongolian rap, Peter K. Marsh points out that rappers believe that rap is both authentic and real in Mongolia, that they do not seek to strictly copy American rap but to develop a space for artistic expression to defend problems that seem important to them and which are not addressed by others. For many artists, rap is perfectly suited to the realistic expression of social criticism; while, in the opinion of rapper Batorgil from the group Ice Top, Mongolian pop-rock which only sings about love. The public following Mongolian rap expects serious lyrics as is often the case in American rap. For Sender Dovchin, Mongolian rap is a transmodal art, a recombination of linguistic resources (Mongolian, English, French, etc.), traditional elements (throat singing, Mongolian musical instruments), nationalist symbols, cultural heritage, transgressions, behavioral attitudes, which make Mongolian hip-hop a way of life in its own right.

Spread#

Technological means such as the Internet, in particular social media sites such as YouTube and Facebook, have improved the visibility and quality of productions, facilitated contacts between fans and artists or between artists, while making competition between artists more equitable, the support of a producer or a music label no longer being obligatory. These media also offer greater artistic freedom, with commercial logic no longer constraining production. Mongolian rap is heavily marketed in Mongolia and many rappers sell at least some of their songs, if only to survive economically. A few rare exceptions like the rapper Gennie refuse this commercialization. The diffusion of Mongolian rap goes beyond national borders. It is thus integrated into the network of the Asian musical world and groups like Lumino and Tatar have given concerts in China, Japan and South Korea and even, for the group Lumino, in the United States with the Mongolian diaspora. Rapper Gennie was invited to the United States by a rock guitarist to collaborate and record music. She also participated, in France, in the Mongolian-French hip-hop festival Hos Ayas. This event features prominently in the documentary Mongolian Bling (Ghazarian & Binks, 2012), the subject of which is Mongolian rap.

Articles#

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Other resources#

• Mongolian Bling, Benj Binks, 2012, *